BEIJING (Reuters) - The tomb of China's first emperor, guarded for more than 2,000 years by 8,000 terracotta warriors and horses, has yielded up another archaeological secret.

Duan Qingbo, a researcher with Shaanxi Institute of Archaeology, said the building might have been constructed for the soul of the emperor to depart.

Archaeologists have been using remote sensing technology since 2002 to study the internal structure of the unexcavated mausoleum.

They concluded that the building, buried above the main tomb, had four surrounding stair-like walls with nine steps each, Xinhua said.

Qinshihuang unified China in 221 BC.

The life-size terracotta army, buried in pits near the mausoleum to guard the emperor in the afterlife, was accidentally unearthed in 1974 by farmers who were digging a well.

Show date: National premiere on December 13, 2007
上映日期：2007年 12月13日全国首映




leading role: Jet Li Liu Dehua Jin Chengwu Xu Jinglei

主演：李连杰
　　　刘德华
　　　金城武
　　　徐静蕾

One time of vicissitudes, a solemn and stirring story.
一个沧桑的年代,一个悲壮的故事.

hero saves the weak,But can't rescue oneself.
烽烟尘土,显英雄之本色.



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The good play will be performed soon.
好戏即将上演.

Gideon Rachman
Thursday, June 14, 2007

America's position as the world's sole superpower remains unchallenged. Despite the Iraq war – despite everything – we are still in the “unipolar moment”. The US may as well enjoy it. By 2020 that moment is likely to be over.

Global power has many dimensions to it: economic, military, cultural, technological, intellectual and institutional. Today the US can still claim full-spectrum dominance. It is the world's largest economy. It spends more on the military than the next 14 countries combined. Its popular culture – from films to music to fast food – has a global reach that is unrivalled. Its universities are the best in the world. US companies have led the information technology revolution. After victory in the cold war, there is still no coherent alternative to the political and economic ideas (capitalism and democracy) associated with the US. Most of the world's most important institutions are either based in America (the United Nations, the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank), or dominated by Americans (Nato).

Yet every one of these forms of dominance is under challenge. The most obvious challenge is economic. The rise of China is now so rapid that Goldman Sachs recently revised its projection for the moment at which the Chinese economy will be larger than that of the US. The bank now thinks that China will overtake the US by 2027 (in real dollar terms), rather than by 2035 as previously predicted. China already has the fourth largest economy in the world and by 2020 its economy will be bigger than that of every member of the G8, except the US.

India is also catching up fast. Goldman Sachs estimates that by 2025 its economy will be bigger than six of the G8 members and by 2050 the Indian economy will also be larger than that of the US.

Sheer economic size will inevitably translate into political power. It is already anachronistic that the Chinese and Indians are taking part in the G8 only as part of an “outreach” meeting with developing economies. If the G8 is serious about reaching an agreement on climate change, the Indians and Chinese should be there as equal partners. And what is true of climate change will be true across a whole range of other issues, as economic power shifts east.

When China is the world's largest market and source of savings, international businessmen and bankers will have to pay attention to Chinese regulators – in the same way that they now worry about America's Securities and Exchange Commission or Federal Reserve. The threat of exclusion from Chinese markets – already fairly dire – will make politicians around the world jump.

A huge economy will have more money to spend on the most basic form of “hard power”: the military. Chinese military spending is already large enough for some analysts to think that it could challenge US primacy in Asia, particularly if there were a clash over Taiwan.

It will be a long time before any other country can aspire to the global military reach of the US. But the Iraq war has shown that all that dazzling firepower is not as useful as many Americans assumed. How can it be, if the US is unable to control a third-world country of 27m people?

Iraq has also damaged America's ability to lead the world in other ways. US prestige has plummeted – a fact reflected in opinion polls around the world. The election of a new president and the closure of the Guantánamo prison camp may help recover some ground. But America's own willingness to lead has also taken a knock. Blithe faith that democracy, free markets and the US army will sweep all before them is giving way to a warier and more cynical approach to the world.

Even American technological and intellectual leadership has been affected by Mr Bush's foreign policy failures. The security backlash after the attacks of September 11, 2001 has damaged the ability of US universities to attract the world's best minds. This shift comes at a particularly bad time for the US – just as the Chinese and Indians have begun to invest seriously in research and development.

The erosion of America's power to lead is well under way. But it would be a mistake to assume that US leadership will simply end on the day – 20 years from now – when China's economy overtakes that of the US.

Size is not everything. Even when the Chinese economy is larger than that of the US, the average American will still be far richer than the average Chinese. Combine riches with political freedom and it is likely that the “American dream” will remain much more attractive than Chinese reality for many years to come – sustaining the cultural and intellectual power that is a vital part of America's ability to lead.

As the reality of an increasingly powerful China sinks in, bashing the US may also become a less popular pastime. Critics of the US who regard its foreign policy as amoral and nationalistic should meet the Chinese.

Sheer inertia will also help the Americans. Institutions and patterns of thought built during the American century may persist long after its economic supremacy has passed. ?S leadership is well entrenched in many of the world's most important institutions. The fact that the Chinese seem ambivalent about assuming the responsibilities of global leadership could also help. One reason the meeting is not the G9 is that the Chinese government is reluctant to join – fearing, perhaps, that the “developed” nations will gang up on China.

By Jamil Anderlini in Hong Kong

Thursday, June 14, 2007

China's prodigious savers pulled more money out of bank deposits in May than ever, with most of it thought to be flowing into the booming stock market, according to the People's Bank of China.

Numbers issued by the bank yesterday showed net household deposits in the Chinese banking system fell by Rmb278.4bn ($36.4bn) in May to Rmb17,100bn, the second month of record outflows after households took Rmb167.4bn out of the system in April.

Household deposits dropped last October for the first time since May 2001, as the bull run in the stock market began to gather steam. The benchmark Shanghai Composite Index has risen 127 per cent since then, driven up by a flood of retail investor money.

The market yesterday closed up 2.56 per cent at 4,176.5 points, just 158 points away from a record high reached on May 29, the day before the government raised stamp tax to cool the country's stock fever.

The tax triggered a rout that pushed the market down more than 15 per cent, raising fears among officials that interference in the market would lead to a collapse. But after assurances there would be no capital gains tax, the market bounced back and is now close to a record high.

The overall banking system has not been affected by household withdrawals, mainly because cash spent on stocks does not leave the system, and overall deposits have continued to rise.

Total deposits, including those from households and corporations, were up 0.4 per cent month -on-month (14.6 per cent year-on-year) to Rmb36,030bn in May, after a 1.3 per cent rise in April.

“The shift of retail savings into the stock market is translating into deposits from securities companies,” said Dorris Chen, financial institution analyst at BNP Paribas. “But this changing deposit mix is quite a concern for smaller banks because it is the bigger banks that brokerages open accounts with.”

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中文

英国《金融时报》雅米尔•安代利尼(Jamil Anderlini)香港报道
2007年6月14日 星期四