- Lost causes
-
THE cost of the guerrilla war the communists have been waging for four decades now is huge in terms of money, lives, and opportunities for development and peace.
How many billions have been spent on either side of the tracks to buy munitions and allied operating costs that go with a war? How many lives of young men and women have been sacrificed in the altar of ideology?
The money could have been spent to alleviate the plight of the poor. Bright young minds could have been channeled to nation-building instead of destruction.
Way back in college, when the blood was searing hot with ideals, I cannot count anymore how many mass actions I participated in - Welga Ng Bayan, picket lines, civil disobedience. That age was the time when dying for worthy causes seemed a better option than just being a bystander watching history unfolding.
Yet, for all the ideals, there was not an instance when I entertained the idea of embracing communism. Many student leaders who I knew then were already in the front organizations of the National Democratic Front goaded me to hop into the wagon of rebellion. Ironically though, most of the ideologues did not understand fully well the Marxist thought. What they had were slogans and sound bites.
The sounds never bit me though. Two years of reading the primary works of Karl Marx, Hegel, and even that of Lenin’s and Mao’s led me to conclude that yes, communism needed a leap of faith to hope for a classless society, a utopia, a promise of a Neverland much like religion which Karl Marx described as the opium of the people.
Equality among men can never be attained. What we can hope for is equal opportunities and equal treatment before the law. The latter is already enshrined in the equal protection clause in the bill of rights of our 1987 constitution.
But to hope for a classless society is more faith in content, much akin to the promise of afterlife. Always, there are always men of sterling character who will lead the masses, men gifted with charisma and leadership skills.
They may be men like Abraham Lincoln, Adolf Hitler, Mao Zedong, and to be current, Barack Obama and Vladimir Putin who still calls the shots in the Russian politburo. You can find these men in the different echelons of society, men who are living witnesses that God did not actually create men as equals. This is a reality which we cannot deny.
Despite the hallow promises of communism, many of my brilliant friends indeed hopped into the wagon, and never to be heard again. There was this editor of Ateneo de Davao, a law student in Xavier University, and before I forgot, my literary editor who surreptitiously inserted in our publication the manifesto of the Kabataan Makabayan.
The burden of brilliance is that you cannot help but dream, and forge a vision of society. To the inquisitive mind, the status quo is always wanting. The tendency is to be non-conformists. During the Marcos regime, the universities were fertile grounds of idealistic and brilliant students who did not need convincing to join the underground movement.
History has unmasked the illusions communism promised. The 90’s saw the collapsed of the iron curtain, and with it the fall of East Berlin, Romania, and other communist regimes. Russia, under Michael Gorbachev, had to invent glasnost and perestroika; China, starting from Deng Xiaoping, opened her doors to the capitalist system.
Otherwise, these once two pillars of communism could not have survived the economic challenges the new millennium poses. [Content-wise, Russia and China are not anymore communist states but socialists with authoritarian rule.]
Yet, the Communist Party of the Philippines still continues to wage the guerrilla war. The tolls are beyond measure. The masses are still burdened with revolutionary taxes. The guns are still firing in the countryside. Even within the rebel movement, purges every now and then saw the excavations of mass graves, of skeletons piled atop the other in the name of an ideology.
And you cannot help but ask, for what cause and towards what end? Why fight to install a communist’s regime that has unmasked its falsity?
History has relegated the pretenses and illusions of communism in the dustbin. What are left now are the detritus of the ideological conflicts of the past century. History as it has unfolded simply cannot make communism a viable alternative. In fact, whenever the adjective “communist” prefixes an ideologue, one wonders what the adjective really means.
Communism is better put for good in the closet, a red-shirt once worn - a social experiment that never proved its hypotheses correct. Why wear the clothing when it has been shown that it does not fit the occasion? Why insist on an ideology that in the vast experiment called life, nothing has been proven right?
It is time for the Communist Party of the Philippines to re-invent itself. Insisting on pursuing a violent struggle is a blind pursuit of political power without a really strong ideological mooring. It is a walk in the dark without knowing where it should end.
Or, shall we ask, what for comrade?
- Vigilantism and death squads
-
What should distinguish the homo sapiens from the rest of the animal kingdom is the respect for law and order. Although throughout human history, we have seen the erratic regard for the law, we still stick to the ideal that the nobler side of man is his capacity to comply with the norms and mores that society imposes upon him.
Society has evolved from the cave, to the tribe, to kingdom, to nation-state, to international groupings, and thanks to technology, to the global village. But although technology has developed in exponential proportions, the same cannot be said of our respect for law and order.
The bestial side of man manifests in terrorist acts, economic sabotage, neo-colonialism, and when all hell break loose, man’s ugliest side is seen in wars.
But nothing compares to the death squads that kill criminals summarily in the name of protecting the peace and quite of society. These groups engage in hypocritical discourse that they are needed in a society where the justice system fails. They take the law into their hands, and would want us to call them our defenders.
The death squads and whoever led them are playing gods, hypocrites and arrogant breeds who claim to weed out the scums of the earth. But when they operate beyond the law, who will now take them to account the many they killed who turned-out to be innocent? Or to render justice to victims who were killed simply due to personal spite?
Since 1998, more than 800 victims in Davao City died at the hands of vigilantes who usually ride in a motorcycle in a group of two using the high-powered .45 caliber pistol, then in the presence of witnesses, pump bullets into the victims. The perpetrators walk away from the crime scene as if nothing happened. And the police, true to the joke that they maintain the peace, come minutes after, when there is no more threat but the terrified but muted silence of the on-lookers.
Mayor Rodrigo Duterte, with bravado, exclaimed that you should be afraid to live in Davao City if you are a criminal or a member of a syndicate. He points out to the relative peace in the City. But the Human Rights Watch, an international body, points out that according to statistics provided by the Philippines National Police, the number of annual crime incidents has increased some 219 percent in the last decade, while the city’s population rose only by 29 percent. An increasing number of death squad killings appear to have made crime rates worse in Davao.
In Cebu City, there have been reported killings perpetrated by the vigilantes. The vigilante-style killing has claimed 167 lives already since December 2004. Msgr. Achilles Dakay claimed that the vigilantes appeared well-trained, organized and well-paid. Yet despite the vigilante-style killing, crime rate in Cebu City has not abated.
In Cagayan de Oro City, vigilante-style killings have been reported. Usually, the victims are members of the notorious gang of hoodlums known as Batang Mindanao or simply B.M. These victims have been going in and out the jail and have their bodies tattooed with the initials B.M. Still, the killing is done by motorcycle riding men who use .45 caliber pistol in shooting the suspect.
Equally alarming to the spate of death squad killings is that no vigilante group has even been arrested and hailed to court to account for violating the penal laws of the land. The number of vigilante killing in Davao is now 800 or so, but no one has ever been caught. Mayor Duterte cannot take pride that the criminals live dangerously in that city. Even with the vigilantes, the crime rate there has grown exponentially.
Besides, as a lawyer and as a mayor, he should know that vigilantes violate the laws, and should therefore be arrested, prosecuted, and put to jail. Fact is no vigilante has been arrested. The Davao Death Squad has been associated with him, and if only to erase this stigma, he should rein on the vigilantes. Otherwise, he will forever bear the stigma.
The same is true with Cebu City Mayor Tomas Osmena. 167 vigilante-style killing since December 2004 is no joke. It will be good to the honor of the surname he carries if vigilantes will be caught.
Across the country, there has been a marked increase of reported vigilante killings that this practice of exacting justice, if it does at all, is becoming a counter-culture, that threatens to further undermine our justice system.
Every victim who dies in the hands of the vigilantes is one strand that is taken away from the fabric of our society. If this goes unabated, one day, we will realize that there is no more strand that binds us all. When that day comes, God forbid, the law of the jungle will reign instead of the rule of law. People will now take the law in their hands.
That day, we shall have retrogressed in the evolutionary ladder from human to beast, instead of the Darwinian model.
- Labares shooting: twists and turns
-
NILO Labares was shot on March 5, 2009 at Macasandig, Cagayan de Oro. By stroke of chance, he survived and pointed the finger at the triggerman, a certain Bernardo "Nanding" Aguilar. The suspect is charged with frustrated murder. He is out on bail.
The police work is closed. The prosecution starts. Not really. When people are about to have a sigh of relief, the plot and sub-plots are unfolding.
Right after Felizar "Boyet" Caytor was cleared temporarily by the public prosecutor, he exposed the alleged payola involving personnel of DXCC-RMN. The media attention was successfully redirected from the frustrated murder to the alleged payola.
By March 11, 2009, Bombo Radyo allegedly received a letter from Ka Paris, a known leader of the CPP-NPA in this part of Mindanao, owning responsibility for the shooting of Nilo Labares.
Instantly, the shooting was transformed from the underworld of hoodlums, thugs, and gamblers to the underground rebel movement--from sheer crime and vice to something ideological in origin and cause.
The cloud of confusion was tossed in the air. Did Nilo correctly identify Bernardo Aguilar as the gunman? If he did, then what has rebellion got to do with video karera? Unless of course the rebels, tired and emaciated, decided to play the gambler's game.
Or perhaps, if we may be allowed to indulge in flights of fancy, Bernardo Aguilar may not be after all acting in behalf of the suspected mastermind--a certain Baby Chang--but upon instructions of Joma Sison. This is not impossible given the state of the art communication that we have now. See how the spin doctors can get so naïve and moronic?
Before the cloud of confusion due to the Ka Paris brouhaha subsided, another person claiming to be the spokesman of the North Central Command of the CPP-NPA was interviewed over Bombo Radyo last March 16, 2009. This time, the spokesman, in behalf of the communist movement, disowned the shooting.
Who said that only novels have subplots? Are not truths stranger than fiction?
Colonel Antonio Montalba of the Cagayan de Oro Police Command filed a case of illegal gambling against Nilo Labares. Having allegedly received payola from the video karera operators, Colonel Montalba would have him prosecuted for his complicity in the gambling syndicate. This is simply ludicrous. Since when did the nemesis of illegal gambling become the protector?
Colonel Montalba, I would have commended you for the effort. But before going after the heads of these media men, identify first the John Does involved in the shooting, and the hoodlums who harassed the witnesses of Labares' shooting. Consolidate your police work to pin down the alleged mastermind Baby Chang.
Here is the wisdom of the age. If you hold to many grains at one time and try to hold them tight in your hand, you end-up with nothing. Do not get your hands full at one time, or you end-up bungling your police work and blame the acquittal of your suspects on the prosecution.
Ah, do not shout expletives at me now. Truth may not be stranger than fiction. Spin masters, without them knowing, actually reveal the truth that they try hard to confound and confuse. When the smoke settles, and the fire-breathing mouths cool off, the particles of truth emerge in the very ground upon whom people try to muddle.
The particles of truth are emerging from the very cloud of dust that the real criminals are tossing in the air.
The alleged payola may be a diversionary tactic. But the buzz in town is that some media men live in styles, that lifestyle checks should not be limited to the politicians. Should I mention anchormen who strut around in flashy cars? Or a mere reporter, without inherited wealth, nor lotto winnings, aping the life of the wealthy?
As for Nilo, how I wish you were riding on a big bike when you were shot so that I could pillory you. But your motor scooter, and poor station in life, and the venom that comes out from your mouth when you assail these video karera operators, common sense dictates that I should spare you for now.
And where does the police force situate in these twists and turns?
Right there at the eye of the storm. Video karera operations are within the striking distance of police stations and yet nothing had been done before the shooting. Col. Montalba, it would help your credibility if you hang the alleged mastermind first before you hang these media men on the strength on the affidavits of the underworld figures, Felizar Caytor and Bernardo Aguilar. Nothing comes out clean from a poisoned source. Did you not know a principle on evidence in your schooling?
Or is the case filed against Nilo Labares has no other purpose but to hide the criminals under your gala uniform? Or is it a vengeance against Nilo for mentioning you as one of the protectors?
Regional State Prosecutor Umpa, please come to the rescue, and restore sanity to the carnival of so-called police investigations. After my almost two decades of the private practice of law, I can smell the gunpowder that points to the source.
Bombo Radyo, please. Ka Paris? CPP-NPA? My foot! Investigate your anchorman who struts around in really flashy cars.
- Muzzling the press
-
AMONG the civil rights, freedom of expression should rank the highest. True, the sovereign people elect their leaders. This is the right of suffrage. But an election without the informed voters is a blind exercise of a right. It results to a non-exercise. It only functions to lend credence to an otherwise discredited government.
After democracy was restored in 1986, that is, after four presidents – Cory Aquino, Fidel Ramos, Erap Estrada, and now Gloria Arroyo – 96 journalists have been martyred by assassins’ bullets. Of the 96, 64 have been killed during the Arroyo administration. Two-thirds of those martyred since EDSA revolution died during the present government.
Killing is definitely the worst form of muzzling the press. Less brutal, but no less effective form of suppressing the press is the legal process. There is really nothing wrong with availing of the legal remedies to redress grievance from media attacks. That is the function of democracy.
But where the legal process is wielded by the powers that be, then you send the strong signal to the press. Chilling still is that along with the legal process you see dead bodies piling up. In this case, the demarcation line between the judicial and extra-judicial remedies to silence the press becomes a blur. You can always suspect that the two processes are used in tandem by the administration, each remedy re-enforcing the efficacy of the other.
No other presidential spouse has filed more libel cases than First Gentleman Mike Arroyo. There is really nothing with this. But the string of cases already filed show how onion-skinned the present occupants of the seat of powers are. That is why, for every unsolved killing of a journalist, you can wonder, “Is the administration condoning the killing?” Wistful thinking it seems but there might be a grain of truth. How can you explain that despite the assassinations linked to General Palparan, he is still a free man?
There is a worse and insidious form of muzzling the press than libel cases. Pending in both houses of congress is the right to reply bill or SB 2150.
Essentially, the bill mandates that the media outlet must give the person attacked a chance to print or broadcast his side on the issue in the same forum.
At first glance, this seems to be a novel idea. Senator Aquilino Q. Pimentel, Jr., who once sought refuge in the press when he was imprisoned during the martial law regime, is the principal author of the bill in the senate. How easily he could forget.
Perhaps, the good senator, despite his brilliance and expertise in constitutional law, missed more than what meets the eye.
The right of freedom of expression occupies a preferred position in the hierarchy of civil liberties. No law can be passed abridging this right. Nor the manner of exercising this right can be curtailed, prescribed, and limited.
The right to reply bill intrudes and prescribes the manner of exercising the right of expression and of the press. The moment a law is enacted directing the media to provide space or airtime for the person involved in a controversy, there is already a prescription on how the media should go about exercising the right.
Article III, Section 4 of the 1987 Constitution states:” No law shall be passed abridging the freedom of speech, of expression, or of the press, or the right of the people peaceably to assemble and petition the government for redress of grievances.”
Mandating the press to give space or airtime to the person involved in an issue may appear laudable and fair. Yet any way you look at it, this a form of abridging or curtailing press freedom. It is a way of telling the press what to broadcast and publish. This is infringement of the constitutional right.
Muzzling the press is suppressing the people from information for an enlightened exercise of their sovereign powers. Violating press freedom has no room in democracy.
- On sovereignty
-
The Encarta Dictionary simply defines the word as “supreme authority especially over a state”. Without this authority, the state has no reason for its being.
The 1987 Philippine Constitution declared that “sovereignty resides in the people and all government authority emanate from them.” The Filipinos are supreme over their government, and yes, even the state known as Philippines. The people, as the repository of all powers within the state can even choose to rename the state, change the government, impeach high official, and recall elected officials. The 1987 Constitution even has a special provision on initiative and referendum, a political process which recognizes people’s power to directly legislate laws.
In a republican state, the people do not directly exercise government powers. Otherwise, chaos will ensue. The authority is delegated through the governmental bodies, such as the executive, legislative, and judiciary.
There is however a chasm between the ideal and the actual, between theory and praxis, to borrow the language of dialectics.
The apparatuses of the state are mostly concentrated in one office, that is, in the Office of the President. President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo is the Commander-in-Chief over the armed forces. She therefore wields the sword, so to speak.
The purse is supposedly in the hands of Congress too. But the power to appropriate is more fiction than reality. While the Congress approves the budget, the President can veto budgetary provisions. If the budget indeed is approved, still the actually disbursement of funds could be released only by the President through her alter-ego, the Department of Budget and Management. That is why legislators in the opposing camp end up fat in budget but hungry in actual cash. They have to line up for ration in the Department of Budget And Management.
In the scheme of things, impeachment of the president is a long shot, except when the people, and not the tongressmen err congressmen, wash the corridors of power with the avalanche of protests, as what happened to Erap Estrada.
The final arbiter of constitutional issues, and the proper exercise of delegated sovereign powers reside in the Supreme Court.
Recent history reveals that the Supreme Court has not been consistent in upholding the majesty of the law. During the martial law regime, then Chief Justice Enrique Fernando, despite the literary flourish of his decisions, but not necessarily the substance, gave imprimatur to the edicts issued by then President Ferdinand Marcos. He even stooped to his lowest low when he used to carry umbrella for Imelda Marcos.
There were shining exemplars though of what is it to be truly a magistrate, just like the blind-folded goddess of justice. There was Chief Justice Jose Abad Santos who penned landmark decisions which have been the guide in the adjudication of rights. There was Chief Justice Claudio who had a direct, brief style of penning decisions, but what he lacked in literary flourish, he compensated it with what truly matters, substance, that is, fearless and proper interpretation of government powers and their limitations, despite the spectre of a prison cell or worse, a firing squad in a martial law regime.
But a truly independent judiciary cannot depend on the sterling character, or the lack of it, of the magistrates. The system must create for an independent judiciary. At present, the Judicial and Bar Council nominates at least three applicants and submit the list to the President, who in turn can choose any of the three nominees. Here lies the clincher. The President can easily play Mephistopheles and the new appointee, Faust. With the present Supreme Court set-up, the majority has been appointees of GMA, and God knows, how many of them made the Faustian pact already.
The sovereign will of the people can easily be muted, when the three estates – the executive, legislative, and judiciary – conspire, either by active participation or acquiescence, specially, when the pockets are full. In this case, the people’s sovereign voice can only be articulated through the media – the fourth estate.
At all cost, the freedom of expression must be respected. When this right is restrained, all other rights become empty rhetoric. It is the media that crystallize the issues. Remember that, each citizen is a particle of sovereignty. It is easy for one voice to say that he is the voice of God; and still another voice, that of Allah. But the discourse in the marketplace of ideas will filter the dross from the gold, and the true consensus of the many particles of sovereignty take form, and later on, translate into action, either by impeachment, recall election, or even, revolution.
Last year, when the recall election of Governor Eddie Panlilio was initiated, the fourth estate became the only outlet by which the sovereign voices could articulate their disgust at the hands of power that were behind the move to oust a truly dedicated and incorruptible official, a diamond in the political pit. To parry the surging protests, the Comelec, by a stroke of pen, salvaged the situation by declaring that all recall elections are suspended due to budgetary constraints. When the Panlilio brouhaha simmered down, the suspension of the recall election was lifted.
Indeed, the recall process should not be suspended, not even due to budgetary constraints. There is no price tag for sovereignty. The life and health of the state depend on the proper exercise of sovereignty.
Otherwise, we may have to redefine sovereignty.